My upset tummy yesterday was the negative half of a very split attitude toward Chilean cuisine. While the lack of vegetarian options and the heavy grease and sugar useage might prove challenging, I'm ridiculously excited for the fresh produce.
Since the seasons there are swapped from ours, I'll be in Chile for the spring growing season. Central Chile has a huge agricultural industry, which will be wonderful to see and taste. You might be surprised by how much Chilean produce ends up on your plate, actually. Farm products account for some 6.2 percent of all exports, and a lot of that ends up nearby. Most early winter produce comes to the West Coast from Chile, especially avocados, kiwi, grapes, apples and pears. While here, the fresh fruits and veggies are a pleasant break from winter citrus and frozen peas, Chileans experience just-picked produce from street market stands on a daily basis. Picture a farmers' market capable of being open every day. Crowded with customers picking up something for dinner, buzzing with activity and humanity, smelling of warm nectarines and herbs. MMMMMmm.
I'm going to go find a snack.
Thursday, June 28, 2007
Wednesday, June 27, 2007
Feeling a Little Bit Chicken
I feel absolutely, no-joke awful, again, and it's all my fault/choice. Again.
As I began preparing for studying abroad, one terrifyingly major aspect of the culture to consider was the food. Seafood, especially in port towns like Valparaiso, is a point of national pride. In the mountains, cattle farms are common. In general, soy is used as seasoning, not protein. Now, I have/had been a vegetarian since I was about 8 years old, and the concept of such a diet is pretty darn foreign to Chileans. This posed a challenge and a delightful summer project: learn to eat meat.
I started in May, with bites of fish. Not too bad, really, I felt a little silly, but experienced no physical results. Practice makes perfect, and I'm now capable of cooking and enjoying most kinds of fish (animal-looking things like shrimp are the exception). Graduating to chicken has proved significantly more difficult. Today was my 5th attempt, and the first time I've prepared it myself. Though I generally like the food that I cook better than when someone else cooks for me, I can't tell if the awfulness is any less than my previous experiences. Ugh.
As I sit here, praying to vomit or die, I can't help but worry about my gustatory capacity. With luck, my host family will be understanding and accommodating to my apparent inability to eat land-dwelling animals. I just don't want them to have a beef with me over my pickiness.
As I began preparing for studying abroad, one terrifyingly major aspect of the culture to consider was the food. Seafood, especially in port towns like Valparaiso, is a point of national pride. In the mountains, cattle farms are common. In general, soy is used as seasoning, not protein. Now, I have/had been a vegetarian since I was about 8 years old, and the concept of such a diet is pretty darn foreign to Chileans. This posed a challenge and a delightful summer project: learn to eat meat.
I started in May, with bites of fish. Not too bad, really, I felt a little silly, but experienced no physical results. Practice makes perfect, and I'm now capable of cooking and enjoying most kinds of fish (animal-looking things like shrimp are the exception). Graduating to chicken has proved significantly more difficult. Today was my 5th attempt, and the first time I've prepared it myself. Though I generally like the food that I cook better than when someone else cooks for me, I can't tell if the awfulness is any less than my previous experiences. Ugh.
As I sit here, praying to vomit or die, I can't help but worry about my gustatory capacity. With luck, my host family will be understanding and accommodating to my apparent inability to eat land-dwelling animals. I just don't want them to have a beef with me over my pickiness.
Sunday, June 24, 2007
Hot of the 1970s Press
Anyone interested in a little light reading about sketch US relations in Latin America has a hot new document to peruse: the recently released, 693-page CIA file on American support for the military coup conducted by dictator (that is, president) Augusto Pinochet in Chile. Known internally as the "family jewels," the file is described to detail CIA involvement and financial support for the overthrow of Salvador Allende's socialist government on September 11, 1973.
Apparently, this and other files cataloging the CIA's involvement with military coups during the Cold War were originally ordered by former director Jim Schlesinger in the wake of the Watergate scandal. His successor, William Colby, presented the files as "skeletons" in the CIA closet to Ford upon Nixon's resignation. The agency's charter specifically prohibits involvement in domestic operations abroad, though anyone familiar with Nicaragua, Guatemala, Cuba, Iran, Italy, the Dominican Republic, Angola, Granada and Libya (to name a few examples) will realize the historic impotence of such a ban.
Until now, the closest the American public has been to full disclosure had been some incomplete testimony in a few weak Congressional investigations in the 1970s and some minor leaks to the press. Gen. Michael Hayden is truly taking a big step toward transparency with this move. Still, it is unlikely that anyone will take much notice: bigger, more recent intelligence scandals barely receive a blink these days, and everyone knows that history is irrelevant.
Apparently, this and other files cataloging the CIA's involvement with military coups during the Cold War were originally ordered by former director Jim Schlesinger in the wake of the Watergate scandal. His successor, William Colby, presented the files as "skeletons" in the CIA closet to Ford upon Nixon's resignation. The agency's charter specifically prohibits involvement in domestic operations abroad, though anyone familiar with Nicaragua, Guatemala, Cuba, Iran, Italy, the Dominican Republic, Angola, Granada and Libya (to name a few examples) will realize the historic impotence of such a ban.
Until now, the closest the American public has been to full disclosure had been some incomplete testimony in a few weak Congressional investigations in the 1970s and some minor leaks to the press. Gen. Michael Hayden is truly taking a big step toward transparency with this move. Still, it is unlikely that anyone will take much notice: bigger, more recent intelligence scandals barely receive a blink these days, and everyone knows that history is irrelevant.
Thursday, June 21, 2007
On Seeking Somethings
I've been thinking, lately, about what it means to be seeking something. It seems as though everyone is, at all times. Whether seeking companionship from a SWF 18-45 in the newspaper, adventure in a foreign country, or comfort in the arms of someone they love, every person has some need they are trying to fill.
For me, the choice to study abroad promised fulfillment in several areas: enlightenment through another culture and people, excitement in a new experience, education in the form of language immersion, and independence in choosing my own path. Now, this final aim seems ill-suited to my theory of everyone needing someone. At root, independence is weakening ties to any single individual, while increasing reliance on oneself and the kindness of strangers. And perhaps this is the most consuming need there can be.
The paths of people wander and twist, and you never know when your path and those of the people you love will diverge (or converge, but that's less traumatic). When they do, the transition can certainly be rough. At this time in our lives, especially, these changes come harshly and regularly, as we watch our chosen family of friends going through major life transitions, unusual in life before (or probably after) college. The independence previously felt from living away from one's family is replaced with the realization of just how dependent we become on the people with whom we surround ourselves. This dependence is human, it is normal, and it is painful.
I suppose the independence I seek is from these hurtful transitions. I hope to reasonably distance myself emotionally from my changing world, as to minimize the impact such changes have on me. As I seek this freedom, I expect to acquire a deeper appreciation for the time I do have with special people, regardless of how brief and transitory, of friend or stranger. It is in this appreciation that I hope to find peace in a tumultuous world, the deep peace of faith in humanity and of confidence that there are beautiful people everywhere.
...Or maybe I'll just take out a personal ad.
For me, the choice to study abroad promised fulfillment in several areas: enlightenment through another culture and people, excitement in a new experience, education in the form of language immersion, and independence in choosing my own path. Now, this final aim seems ill-suited to my theory of everyone needing someone. At root, independence is weakening ties to any single individual, while increasing reliance on oneself and the kindness of strangers. And perhaps this is the most consuming need there can be.
The paths of people wander and twist, and you never know when your path and those of the people you love will diverge (or converge, but that's less traumatic). When they do, the transition can certainly be rough. At this time in our lives, especially, these changes come harshly and regularly, as we watch our chosen family of friends going through major life transitions, unusual in life before (or probably after) college. The independence previously felt from living away from one's family is replaced with the realization of just how dependent we become on the people with whom we surround ourselves. This dependence is human, it is normal, and it is painful.
I suppose the independence I seek is from these hurtful transitions. I hope to reasonably distance myself emotionally from my changing world, as to minimize the impact such changes have on me. As I seek this freedom, I expect to acquire a deeper appreciation for the time I do have with special people, regardless of how brief and transitory, of friend or stranger. It is in this appreciation that I hope to find peace in a tumultuous world, the deep peace of faith in humanity and of confidence that there are beautiful people everywhere.
...Or maybe I'll just take out a personal ad.
Tuesday, June 19, 2007
Mother (Earth) Knows Best: Forest Activism
The Mapuche Indians of Central Chile, like most any indigenous American group, have been persecuted, massacred, "integrated," decimated, and virtually every other verb having to do with identity destruction since the Spanish conquistadors first strolled through. And as with most indigenous American groups, their native land has been sorely hurting ever since.
Traditionally occupying a strip of Argentina and Chile just south of Santiago, the Mapuche people were one of the last remaining native tribes in South American. They repeatedly resisted conquer from both the larger, more powerful Incan civilization and the Spanish colony of Chile. It was only in the 1880s, when the Chilean population was exploding and the army was celebrating its recent victory in wars against Bolivia and Peru by crushing minority populations that the Mapuche nation was dissembled and integrated into mainstream Chilean politics.
Today, some 600,000 Mapuche descendants make up about 80% of Region IX, the state including their homeland. While most Mapuche citizens identify as Chileans (and most Chileans have some Mapuche heritage), recent movements have strengthened native identity around land use issues. At heart is forestry, or more precisely wood-farming, an increasingly important industry for Chile that brings in more than $600 million each year.
Policies similar to land-use laws in Chiapas, Mexico have effectively routed most remaining Mapuche individuals from their traditional subsistence farming and artisanship in Region IX. Now, wood farms have taken their spot, mostly growing non-native, environmentally harsh Monterey Pine and Eucalyptus trees. This kind of monoculture is not only harmful to the land, but also to the people who live near: few jobs and low wages are provided by this kind of mega-farm. Mapuche activists are working to regain legitimacy for their native lifestyle to slow the commercial development of their homeland.
There has been quite a bit of success: a conservation group called ForestEthics has waged a successful international campaign against environmentally dangerous wood farms in Chile, leading major brands like Home Depot to adopt healthier purchasing policies. When the world makes bad land stewardship unprofitable, even the worst companies will shape up. And that's something everyone everywhere should support.
Traditionally occupying a strip of Argentina and Chile just south of Santiago, the Mapuche people were one of the last remaining native tribes in South American. They repeatedly resisted conquer from both the larger, more powerful Incan civilization and the Spanish colony of Chile. It was only in the 1880s, when the Chilean population was exploding and the army was celebrating its recent victory in wars against Bolivia and Peru by crushing minority populations that the Mapuche nation was dissembled and integrated into mainstream Chilean politics.
Today, some 600,000 Mapuche descendants make up about 80% of Region IX, the state including their homeland. While most Mapuche citizens identify as Chileans (and most Chileans have some Mapuche heritage), recent movements have strengthened native identity around land use issues. At heart is forestry, or more precisely wood-farming, an increasingly important industry for Chile that brings in more than $600 million each year.
Policies similar to land-use laws in Chiapas, Mexico have effectively routed most remaining Mapuche individuals from their traditional subsistence farming and artisanship in Region IX. Now, wood farms have taken their spot, mostly growing non-native, environmentally harsh Monterey Pine and Eucalyptus trees. This kind of monoculture is not only harmful to the land, but also to the people who live near: few jobs and low wages are provided by this kind of mega-farm. Mapuche activists are working to regain legitimacy for their native lifestyle to slow the commercial development of their homeland.
There has been quite a bit of success: a conservation group called ForestEthics has waged a successful international campaign against environmentally dangerous wood farms in Chile, leading major brands like Home Depot to adopt healthier purchasing policies. When the world makes bad land stewardship unprofitable, even the worst companies will shape up. And that's something everyone everywhere should support.
Wednesday, June 13, 2007
Chile -35
So, in between learning a lot about Chilean politics, I'm also having feelings and emotions about my upcoming trip. Realizing that I'll be on my way exactly 5 weeks from now is both exhilarating and terrifying.
With the luggage my parents gave me for my birthday, the new sweaters I've bought for the cold cold winter that will greet me upon arrival, and my two travel guide books, I feel nearly prepared, materially speaking. I found out from my co-traveler Maria last week that as of May 28th, a Chilean consulate is open in Olympia, Wash. This is very good news, as I wasn't looking forward to shelling out a couple hundred bucks to go to San Francisco to take care of my visa. As a result, the biggest roadblock left in my path has shrunk considerably. In thrtee words, I'm almost there.
It's been interesting to hear from people who have or know people who have travelled to Chile. One of the volunteers in my mom's office has been 3 times, my friend Bryce has a cousin who has just returned from his own studies there, my friend Lauren's boyfriend visited while he was in Argentina, and another friend, Nic, sat with a Chilean couple on an airplane yesterday, etc. While I like having people to badger with questions and concerns, I'm beginning to feel awkward in making conversation with people I would otherwise have nothing in common with.
All the same, it's exciting, and it's happening faster than I could imagine.
With the luggage my parents gave me for my birthday, the new sweaters I've bought for the cold cold winter that will greet me upon arrival, and my two travel guide books, I feel nearly prepared, materially speaking. I found out from my co-traveler Maria last week that as of May 28th, a Chilean consulate is open in Olympia, Wash. This is very good news, as I wasn't looking forward to shelling out a couple hundred bucks to go to San Francisco to take care of my visa. As a result, the biggest roadblock left in my path has shrunk considerably. In thrtee words, I'm almost there.
It's been interesting to hear from people who have or know people who have travelled to Chile. One of the volunteers in my mom's office has been 3 times, my friend Bryce has a cousin who has just returned from his own studies there, my friend Lauren's boyfriend visited while he was in Argentina, and another friend, Nic, sat with a Chilean couple on an airplane yesterday, etc. While I like having people to badger with questions and concerns, I'm beginning to feel awkward in making conversation with people I would otherwise have nothing in common with.
All the same, it's exciting, and it's happening faster than I could imagine.
Saturday, June 9, 2007
A Blast from the Past
Though some countries, (*ahem* the US *ahem*) refuse to join the rest of the civilized world in renouncing the use of land mines under the Ottawa Treaty, even those who have signed are dragging their feet at following the commitment.
About 120,000 anti-personnel mines have been peppering the nothern border between Chile and Peru since 1976, when the two nations had a border dispute which nearly lead to war. Three decades later, only about 12,000 of the mines have been removed. These weapons, commonly considered inhumane because of their lasting threat to civilians, have caused 310 deaths in the region.
Now, Juvenal Ordóñez, the leader of Peru's nationalist party, is calling for the Chilean government to step up and fulfil their obligations by removing the rest of the mines before 2009. Though this would come as a huge cost to the capital-strapped Chilean government, it is important to maintain positive relations between the two neighbors. Chile and Peru have had a perpetually tense relationship, and recent progress may be halted unless Chile does as it has promised.
All this comes on the heels of Chile's recent support of a treaty renouncing cluster bombs. While Chile's rhetoric serves as a model for humane warfare (if such a thing is possible), the country must walk the walk before anyone will listen to the talk.
About 120,000 anti-personnel mines have been peppering the nothern border between Chile and Peru since 1976, when the two nations had a border dispute which nearly lead to war. Three decades later, only about 12,000 of the mines have been removed. These weapons, commonly considered inhumane because of their lasting threat to civilians, have caused 310 deaths in the region.
Now, Juvenal Ordóñez, the leader of Peru's nationalist party, is calling for the Chilean government to step up and fulfil their obligations by removing the rest of the mines before 2009. Though this would come as a huge cost to the capital-strapped Chilean government, it is important to maintain positive relations between the two neighbors. Chile and Peru have had a perpetually tense relationship, and recent progress may be halted unless Chile does as it has promised.
All this comes on the heels of Chile's recent support of a treaty renouncing cluster bombs. While Chile's rhetoric serves as a model for humane warfare (if such a thing is possible), the country must walk the walk before anyone will listen to the talk.
Thursday, June 7, 2007
Riding Dirty Politics
One of my most frightening recurring dreams about my upcoming trip is the bus system. In Valparaiso- and most of the rest of the country- the buses are privately run companies with few regulations. The drivers are usually paid a commission per rider, incentivizing sardine-packed crowds and recklessly fast driving. Now, I'm not the only one with these bus fears: a recent movement to publicly control the mass transportation system in Santiago is a growing nightmare for President Bachelet and Congress.
Congress will soon hear a second version of an emergency funding bill attempting to revive Transantiago, a recently-implemented change to the public transportation system of the nation's capital. When the changes were introduced last February, a rough transition period saw Bachelet's Santiago poll numbers plummet more than 10% in a month, attributed entirely to the Transantiago fiasco. Though the plan was created during former president Ricardo Lagos' administration, 53% of poll respondents disapprove of the way Bachelet has handled the implementation, 64% calling the process "improvised."
The criticisms are not unmerited. The centralized control of bus dispatching failed repeatedly in the first few days, causing chaos as bus drivers attempting their new, poorly defined routes. Even in May, only 90% of the buses were fully linked to the dispatching service. Hype about the new system created a flood of curious passengers, overwhelming an already-overflowing subway. Fare evasion remains a major problem, with as much as 1/3 of all passengers riding without paying.
These internal issues are exacerbated by the typical criticisms of big spending in the capital city, compared to more rural areas. Bachelet is constantly defending these projects with statistics of increased spending in other parts of the country. Still, this disparity gives her a hard row to hoe when it comes to persuading a nation of taxpayers to invest in the future of a single city's transportation system. Perhaps the light at the end of the tunnel is Chile's unexpectedly high revenue this year, a result of increasing global copper prices (Chile's biggest natural resource).
Neither a failure of the public transportation system nor lassaiz faire politics are an option here. The attempt to socialize and consolidate the giant system is a necessary step for Santiago, no matter how difficult the process might be. Bachelet must simply bite the polls and fight Congress until they give her room to let it work. But she can't be too willing to wait: 2 years from now, those unhappy poll-ees will have a chance to throw her under the same bus she tried to save.
Congress will soon hear a second version of an emergency funding bill attempting to revive Transantiago, a recently-implemented change to the public transportation system of the nation's capital. When the changes were introduced last February, a rough transition period saw Bachelet's Santiago poll numbers plummet more than 10% in a month, attributed entirely to the Transantiago fiasco. Though the plan was created during former president Ricardo Lagos' administration, 53% of poll respondents disapprove of the way Bachelet has handled the implementation, 64% calling the process "improvised."
The criticisms are not unmerited. The centralized control of bus dispatching failed repeatedly in the first few days, causing chaos as bus drivers attempting their new, poorly defined routes. Even in May, only 90% of the buses were fully linked to the dispatching service. Hype about the new system created a flood of curious passengers, overwhelming an already-overflowing subway. Fare evasion remains a major problem, with as much as 1/3 of all passengers riding without paying.
These internal issues are exacerbated by the typical criticisms of big spending in the capital city, compared to more rural areas. Bachelet is constantly defending these projects with statistics of increased spending in other parts of the country. Still, this disparity gives her a hard row to hoe when it comes to persuading a nation of taxpayers to invest in the future of a single city's transportation system. Perhaps the light at the end of the tunnel is Chile's unexpectedly high revenue this year, a result of increasing global copper prices (Chile's biggest natural resource).
Neither a failure of the public transportation system nor lassaiz faire politics are an option here. The attempt to socialize and consolidate the giant system is a necessary step for Santiago, no matter how difficult the process might be. Bachelet must simply bite the polls and fight Congress until they give her room to let it work. But she can't be too willing to wait: 2 years from now, those unhappy poll-ees will have a chance to throw her under the same bus she tried to save.
Tuesday, June 5, 2007
Speaking of Sex...
For a country considered among the most modern in Latin America, Chile's colonial roots are still impeding important social progress. In fact, the cultural taboo on sexuality is putting much of the country in serious risk.
Though President Michelle Bachelet, the first female Chilean president and former civilian military commander issued a decree mandating oral contraceptives to be available for free in all public clinics last September, the Supreme Court promptly declared the progress unconstitutional, despite its similarity to other presidential laws. Divorce, having only become legal in 2004, is still incredibly stigmatized and difficult to make official. And while Congress has guaranteed retroviral drugs to every HIV-positive individual through the universal health care system, only half of the 26,000 infected people have actually been offered treatment. Worse, attempts to promote condom use to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS has met criticism sufficient to keep condoms out of most schools (including universities) and non-medical public places. In fact, the World Health Organization estimates that Chilean condom use is only 1/3 of what it should be; even less among young people, who are generally at higher risk for STI's.
It's not that the Chilean government is unaware of the risks of an unprotected public. The visa application process requires applicants to provide a health evaluation, including being screened for HIV/AIDS. The executive branch has partnered with international health programs like UNAIDS and the World Health Organization to create more than 50 local prevention campaigns. These efforts have been enough to halve the AIDS infection rates of most South American countries, but will ultimately fail unless coupled with a more comprehensive effort to reverse public opinion.
As with many former Spanish colonies, a huge percentage of Chileans are members of the Catholic church. As though this alone was not sufficient to stunt Chilean social liberty to the middle ages, the second largest religious denomination is the Church of Latter-Day Saints, notorious for their social conservatism. This, and the inclination for post-Pinochet Chile to fear social change, have silenced sexuality in a way comparable to America's 1950s. With no pelvis-wielding Elvis in sight, Bachelet must educate and command the huge Chilean bureaucracy to follow through with the progress-minded policies, regardless of the sensativity of the issue.
Though President Michelle Bachelet, the first female Chilean president and former civilian military commander issued a decree mandating oral contraceptives to be available for free in all public clinics last September, the Supreme Court promptly declared the progress unconstitutional, despite its similarity to other presidential laws. Divorce, having only become legal in 2004, is still incredibly stigmatized and difficult to make official. And while Congress has guaranteed retroviral drugs to every HIV-positive individual through the universal health care system, only half of the 26,000 infected people have actually been offered treatment. Worse, attempts to promote condom use to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS has met criticism sufficient to keep condoms out of most schools (including universities) and non-medical public places. In fact, the World Health Organization estimates that Chilean condom use is only 1/3 of what it should be; even less among young people, who are generally at higher risk for STI's.
It's not that the Chilean government is unaware of the risks of an unprotected public. The visa application process requires applicants to provide a health evaluation, including being screened for HIV/AIDS. The executive branch has partnered with international health programs like UNAIDS and the World Health Organization to create more than 50 local prevention campaigns. These efforts have been enough to halve the AIDS infection rates of most South American countries, but will ultimately fail unless coupled with a more comprehensive effort to reverse public opinion.
As with many former Spanish colonies, a huge percentage of Chileans are members of the Catholic church. As though this alone was not sufficient to stunt Chilean social liberty to the middle ages, the second largest religious denomination is the Church of Latter-Day Saints, notorious for their social conservatism. This, and the inclination for post-Pinochet Chile to fear social change, have silenced sexuality in a way comparable to America's 1950s. With no pelvis-wielding Elvis in sight, Bachelet must educate and command the huge Chilean bureaucracy to follow through with the progress-minded policies, regardless of the sensativity of the issue.
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